EN:Landshut Wedding, 1475
From Historisches Lexikon Bayerns
The marriage of Hedwig (1457–1502), the daughter of King Casimir IV of Poland (r. 1447–1492) and his wife Elisabeth of Habsburg (1436/37–1505), to the son of Duke George the Rich of Bavaria-Landshut (r. 1479–1503), on 14 and 15 November 1475, in Landshut, is one of the major political events of the late Middle Ages. It drew high-ranking guests, including Frederick III (reigned 1440–1493, emperor from 1452) and his son Maximilian I (reigned 1486/1493–1519, emperor from 1508), to the Isar. Thanks to the historical festival, which has been held since 1903, the Landshut Wedding has secured its place in the collective historical memory. During the eight-day celebrations, the Empire displayed its constitutional structures and power dynamics.
About the sources
The sources on the Landshut Wedding are overall quite broad and varied. In addition to a significant archival record of invoices—foremost the “Great Invoice” (Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Cgm 1955 and copies), a compilation of the costs and consumption during the Landshut festivities—and diplomatic correspondence, there are several narrative sources that report on the event with varying emphases and perspectives. The most important text was written by Hans Seibolt from Höchstädt on the Danube (district of Dillingen an der Donau) (Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Cgm 331), who was formerly a monastery scribe for the Landshut Cistercian nuns. In 1482, Seibolt wrote a detailed commissioned work that focuses particularly on the “prehistory” of the wedding festivities and is based on extensively cited material from the ducal chancellery. The eyewitness account of Hans Oringen (“Markgrafenschreiber” (Margrave scribe); Thüringisches Hauptstaatsarchiv Weimar Reg. D. 31), who served Margrave and Elector Albrecht Achilles of Brandenburg (reigned 1440–1486, Elector from 1471), is also significant. The report by Johann Gensbein (1444–ca. 1504/07), the scribe from Katzenelnbogen, which was discovered a few years ago, describes the events in detail from a Rhenish perspective, offering a wealth of new details (Staatsbibliothek Preußischer Kulturbesitz Berlin mgq 1803), and should be placed alongside both. Other important sources include the German-Latin records of the clergyman Veit Arnpeck (ca. 1440–1496; autograph in the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 2230; Cgm 2817 and 17 other copies), who was very likely present at the event. Also noteworthy are the polished narrative account of the Alsatian knight Hans von Hungerstein (ca. 1440–1503; National Gallery of Art, Washington D.C., The Woodner Collection, Inv.-No. 2006.11.15) and the notes of the Leipzig University professor Johann Wyse (d. 1486; Leipzig Universitätsbibliothek, ms. 1674). The notebooks of Johannes Aventin (1477–1534) (“Adversarien”; Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 1201) provide another strand of tradition. The observations of the historian Jan Długosz (1415–1480; regarding the Landshut Wedding, preserved in five later manuscripts), who views the event from a Polish perspective, and the critical remarks of the Palatine historiographer Matthias von Kemnat (ca. 1430–1476; Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Cgm 1642; Oefeleana 178), possibly the earliest surviving written account of the event, are notable among the shorter records.
The Landshut Wedding in context
The exceptional significance of the Landshut Wedding becomes evident when compared to the high and late medieval marriages of the Wittelsbach dynasty between 1200 and 1500. These marriages were predominantly confined to the Holy Roman Empire. In the 15th century, foreign matrimonial alliances were generally oriented toward the south or west rather than the east. In this respect, the Landshut Wedding can only be compared to the 1341 marriage of Ludwig VI (reigned 1347–1364/65, Elector from 1356), a son of Ludwig the Bavarian (reigned 1314–1347, Emperor from 1328), to Kunigunde of Poland (ca. 1328–ca. 1357). The Landshut Wedding marked the beginning of a phase of “dynastic politics” for the Polish royal family of the Jagiellons with prominent imperial princes. Two of Hedwig‘s younger sisters (1457–1502) entered into marriages with the ruling houses of Brandenburg and Saxony. The disparity in status between the Polish princess Hedwig—referred to consistently as “Queen” in the source texts—and Georg (reigned 1479–1503), the son of Duke Ludwig IX of Landshut (reigned 1450–1479), is remarkable and can only be understood in the context of the time. At the time of the wedding and its planning, the Jagiellons were under significant pressure, particularly from the Hungarian King Matthias Corvinus (reigned 1458–1490), and hoped to secure support from dukes of Bavaria-Landshut, who were called “the rich” even at the time. This support was particularly relevant regarding Bohemia, where Hedwig's brother Vladislav II (reigned 1471–1516) ruled as king. Additionally, the Wittelsbachs served as a crucial bridgehead to the west.
For the rich dukes — "rîch" signified not only wealth but also power — the marriage provided a significant boost to their reputation. At the same time, they could anticipate increased influence in neighbouring Bohemia, without the risk of falling out of favour with the Hungarian king, with whom they had signed a comprehensive treaty in 1469. Ultimately, the dynastic marriage carried the weight of a political signal: Duke Ludwig the Rich was able to clearly assert his rank at the imperial level in front of the electors, princes, and a broad public. Hedwig's dowry (32,000 florins, admittedly not fully paid until decades later) and a legendary treasure trove of jewels and silverware (equivalent to around 100,000 florins) also represented a financial gain for the wealthy dukes. However, this was offset by equally high expenses for the festivities (around 60,000 Rhenish florins).
Course and character
The course of the Landshut festivities can be compared with other princely marriages of the time and their essential components: bridal procession, "adventus" (reception) of the bride, official duties, banquet, dance, Beilager (consummation of the marriage), and tournament(s).
On 10 September 1474, the Bishop of Regensburg and the Landshut Court Master Theseres von Fraunhofer (died 1503) set out for Poland to arrange the marriage. The marriage contract was sealed at the end of the year. A Bavarian delegation picked up the bridal procession in Wittenberg (Saxony-Anhalt) in mid-October of the following year. Due to an epidemic—referred to ambiguously as "plague" in the sources—a detour was taken at Poland's insistence, which caused the wedding celebrations to start later than planned.
On 14 November 1475, Hedwig was received in Eching (district of Landshut) and led to Landshut. On the same and the following day, the crucial religious services took place at the parish church of St. Martin, which were decisive in contemporary understanding, as they framed the event within the context of salvation. Altstadt 300 (today's address) was the bride's residence, while Altstadt 315 (the town hall) was the groom's, where the dance hall was located, also. Jousting took place on a list in front of the town hall.
The Landshut Wedding showcased princely exclusivity, ensured by extensive security measures. The ideals of chivalric aristocratic culture were manifested on the specially constructed tournament grounds in the middle of the town. During the procession and the festivities, the entourage, gifts, and attire served to present and legitimise the respective prince. Duke Ludwig was able to flaunt his claim in many ways—through the magnificent display, the logistical feat perceived by contemporaries, and even through police measures. Speeches and performative acts displayed value systems and hierarchies. Seibolt, in particular, describes the wedding festivities as a "family celebration of the imperial clan,” where the familial ties mirrored the structure of the Holy Roman Empire.
Dimensions of the wedding - the Empire as a guest
For a long time, the enormous figures of costs and consumption, conveyed especially by the "Great Invoice" as well as Seibolt and Aventin, have fascinated readers: 323 oxen, 11,500 geese, 40,000 chickens, 194,345 eggs, 140 pounds of raisins, 730 pounds of figs, three buckets of honey, 1½ hundredweights of saffron, 338 pounds of pepper, 75,000 crabs, and so on. The total costs amounted to 60,766 Rhenish gulden and 73 pennies—these are just a few of the spectacular figures. The figures given in the sources do not always align, as the officially certified compilation of the "Great Invoice" is based on different units of measurement than those used by Aventin. Additionally, the humanist historian assumes that the meat was already prepared. The prince's kitchen was located in Seckengasse.
The numerous "stages" in and around the actual wedding provided many opportunities to demonstrate power and claims in front of representative (partial) publics. A wealth of preparatory measures from the Landshut side shows the interplay between the rulers’ penetration of their realm (the “Landesordnung” of 6 November 1474) and the organisation of the celebration. The estates were largely responsible for meeting the enormous demand for food, with the lower authorities (magistrates and administrative offices) playing a key logistical role. Duke Ludwig may have also used the wedding preparations as an opportunity for a territorial inventory of the (agricultural) capacity. Although only a few sources address the role of the estates—such as the mention of a delegation of cooks from the monasteries of the duchy—they were the first addressees of the ducal display of power and splendour. It was no coincidence that the subjects, who were provided with food at the expense of the sovereign, were given the opportunity to participate in the festivities.
The duke and his family presented themselves surrounded by the most important princes of the Empire and their noble entourages. The Empire—personified in the emperor and the princes—was a guest in Landshut for a few days. To name just the most important, those present included: Emperor Friedrich III and his son Maximilian I (reigned 1486/1493-1519, Emperor from 1508), Count Palatine Philipp (reigned 1449-1451, 1476-1508), Margrave Albrecht Achilles of Brandenburg, Duke Sigismund of Tyrol (reigned 1447-1490, died 1496), the Dukes of Munich Albrecht IV (reigned 1465-1508), Christoph (1449-1493), and Wolfgang (1451-1514), the Palatine Counts Otto II (reigned 1461-1499) and Johann of Palatine-Mosbach (1443-1486), as well as the bishops of Salzburg, Passau, Augsburg, Freising, Bamberg, Eichstätt, and a representative of the Regensburg diocese (according to later tradition, the chief shepherd was on a pilgrimage to Rome). In addition, a considerable number of counts and their wives came to Landshut with large entourages; the King of Bohemia, Count Palatine Friedrich the Victorious (reigned 1451-1476), the Wettins Ernst (reigned 1464-1486) and Albrecht of Saxony (reigned 1464-1500), as well as representatives from about half a dozen imperial cities, were also present through legations.
Landshut, with its population of barely 10,000, was deeply involved in the festivities in many ways and showed a transformed appearance, as several significant construction measures and architectural redesigns were undertaken for the wedding. The court, in a sense, expanded into the streets of the town, bringing the princely display of rank and roles to a broader public. The representation of belonging was emphasised through a symbolic uniform introduced by the duke: the ducal colours were prominently displayed everywhere, clearly signalling the duke's presence. This aspect also manifested in the retinue of the other princes, where the display of their rank was emphasised, the sheer number of attendants sometimes serving as the key indicator of their significance.
Overall, the princely wedding of 1475 was a major imperial political event that should not only be seen as part of late medieval festive culture but also analysed through the lens used for imperial assemblies and councils. The Empire showcased its constitutional framework in Landshut. The prominent figures took advantage of the occasion to "engage in business" with one another. The presence of the imperial head seems to have exerted a magnetic attraction on both the princes and the imperial cities. During the Landshut celebrations, the emperor invested the Bishop of Bamberg with the regalia, and according to Długosz's testimony, Vladislav II was also supposed to have received his fief in Landshut, but he did not appear at the Isar.
Landshut soundscapes
The narrative texts offer the opportunity to listen to the soundscapes of Landshut. “Item es warnn ettwevil trummetter, paugker und pfeiffer allda” (moreover, there were several drummers, timpanists, and pipers there), Seibolt reports; more than a thousand are said to have accompanied the bride’s entry into the city. And in the church, they allegedly made “ein solh gedön, das einer nicht wol sein aigen wortt hörnn mocht" (such a noise that no one could hear their own words). Contemporaries perceived some things as noise, some things not. In addition to Seibolt, Aventin also mentions that the Archbishop of Salzburg brought his singers and organist with him. According to Johann Gensbein, the organist had to drown out the sobbing bride: “deßhalber man von stundt off der orgeln spilt, uff daz man das schreyen nit horet" (therefore, from that moment on, the organ was played so loudly that one could not hear the crying). The noise during those Landshut festival days must have been immense, simply due to the large number of visitors: Gensbein estimates 18,000, and Hungerstein 10,000; often, Seibolt and Arnpeck mention the figure of 9,163 horses (which created tremendous noise), corresponding to a multitude of guests. Certainly, Landshut must have had more than twice as many people as usual during those November days, which alone underscores the logistical challenge of the event. Minstrels played in the streets, and heralds called out the names of the guests, who identified themselves by displaying their coats of arms.
Symbolic communication and the late medieval understanding
The Landshut Wedding can be understood as an explosion of symbols and performances due to the ceremonies and rituals that took place there, such as the symbolic significance of the clothing worn, or the rank structures and connections that became apparent during the church procession and the seating arrangements at the wedding banquet. Matthias von Kemnath sharply criticised this princely self-presentation designed to be remembered: "unnd zerging die grosse pompe unnd hoffart schnell." (and the great pomp and pride quickly faded). For him, the Landshut festivities represented a distorted image of an aristocratic world that had gone astray in its outward display of splendour. Other authors, such as Gensbein and Oringen, also did not allow themselves to be completely swept away by the whirlwind of what they experienced and pointed out fractures in the princely cosmos. They mention whenever a prince moved out of the imperial structure, which was to be presented as harmonious, thereby disrupting the boundaries of symbolic communication.
Despite the fascination with the spectacle of colour and sound, the deeply religious, medieval dimension must not be overlooked. Contemporaries perceived the event as a profound sensory experience, and it is a modern secular perspective to separate the various intertwined spheres of the late Middle Ages or to focus on only partial aspects. The two church visits, mentioned by almost all authors, were at the heart of the celebration and placed it within a framework of salvation. Hungerstein, in particular, emphasises this religious depth when he refers to instructions for salvation or writes that the bride was met with the sanctum in tow. According to Aventine, or his source, the Bishop of Freising, as the local bishop responsible for Landshut, presented the relics and the kiss of peace to the emperor. Consequently, Arnpeck uses the terms “gaudium” and “frewd” (joy), both of which carry religious as well as courtly connotations.
Perception of the foreign
The sensory experience also involved encounters with the new and the foreign. Several authors mention the presence of the "brother of the Turkish emperor,” Otman Calixt. Oringen demonstrates a keen eye for fashion, particularly with regard to foreign clothing and hairstyles. Nearly all the chroniclers provide detailed descriptions of the clothing and customs of the Polish guests. Gensbein notes the “designated titles" of the Polish nobles. Oringen compares the ceremonial armament with that of the Ottomans. The authors note differences from local customs. Aventin records the presence of “ettlich der treffenlichisten herrn aus Bolan, der Littaw, Rewssen, Tattern und anndern lannden” (some of the most distinguished lords from Poland, Lithuania, Russia, Tartary, and other lands), whose golden and pearl-encrusted garments shone, and whose attendants were “vast täwttschen sytten geziertt" (decorated almost in-keeping with German customs). The Polish language could be heard; interpreters translated the official speeches. The Polish guests, for their part, consumed Landshut's culinary specialties, which several authors report on in detail. How the then 18-year-old Hedwig herself perceived the marriage, and how her weeping during the wedding ceremony, for example, should be understood in the context of late medieval emotional displays, can hardly be clarified.
The network of relationships outlined here can be linked to the problem area of “cultural transfer” or rather “cultural diffusion”. Some of the authors also find their prejudices confirmed. This makes the account of the Polish nobleman Długosz all the more significant as a complementary source. He draws a sober and resigned conclusion: The political calculations of the Poles - King Kasimir (reigned 1447-1492) had hoped to increase his influence over the greats of his realm — ultimately did not materialise. It is no coincidence that Długosz mentions the rampant plague, which forced the bridal procession from Wittenberg to take a detour: While the ducal delegation took twelve days to travel from Landshut to Wittenberg, covering about 40 kilometres per day, the bridal procession required 18 days.
Landshut model?
In an attempt to create a typology of late medieval dynastic marriages, scholars distinguished between a “Bruges model” (the marriage of Duke Charles the Bold of Burgundy [r. 1467-1477] to Margaret of York [1446-1503] in 1468) and a “Landshut model”. In both, the nobility sought to distinguish and legitimise themselves as a social and political ruling class. The degree of involvement of the townspeople, the integration of women into court society—at the Landshut festival, the sexes were seated separately—and the composition of the wedding party differed. Additionally, fewer princes were present in Bruges than in Landshut, which can be explained by the court and the subjects being the target audience for the grand spectacle. However, the extent to which this dualism is distinct remains questionable. The Landshut Wedding also had an inward-facing, integrative perspective. The stage of the Empire and the stage of the duchy are not mutually exclusive.
Comparisons with other princely weddings can sharpen the perspective on the exceptional nature of the Landshut Wedding. Of course, the picture becomes distorted when looking at the Habsburg marriages of 1452, 1477, or 1526, as these all took place under royal-imperial auspices. The comparative example of the Urach wedding between Count Eberhard of Württemberg (reigned 1457-1496, Duke from 1495) and Barbara Gonzaga (1455-1503) in 1474 highlights similarities in preparation, procedure, staging, and public feasts. In Landshut, the number and, above all, the significance of the guests present was incomparably greater. The same holds true in comparison to the Amberg wedding of 1474, where Margarete (1456-1501), daughter of Duke Ludwig of Bavaria-Landshut, married the Palatinate Elector Prince Philipp (reigned 1476-1508). The similarities between the Amberg and Landshut weddings lie in the courtly display of splendour and the enormous food requirements, which, for the former, were largely met by the surrounding area of Amberg, too. However, the key difference in this comparison also lies in the number and rank of the imperial princes present. The significance of the Landshut feast days lies not so much in the enormous quantities of food, delicacies, and drinks—as these were also consumed in Urach or Amberg—but in their political dimension. A typology of late medieval weddings may highlight commonalities, but the festivals must be examined within their respective contexts and in light of the overall political situation of the time. An individual approach, aware of possible similarities—such as the centralising elements, the courtly staging practices, or the stage-like nature of political action in the late Middle Ages—is likely to provide a deeper understanding.
Reception
Since 1903, a historical spectacle has filled the streets of Landshut, with around 2,400 direct participants in 2017. Initially held annually, it became a triennial event in 1950 and a quadrennial one in 1981. There were interruptions during the World Wars and following a major fire in 1970. The initiative was started by two Landshut citizens, Georg Tippel (died 1938) and Joseph Linnbrunner. In the early 1880s, the Munich court painters August Spieß (1841–1923), Rudolf von Seitz (1842–1910), Ludwig von Löfftz (1845–1910), and Konrad Weigand (1842–1897) decorated the ceremonial hall of Landshut Town Hall with paintings in a historicising style, evoking the princely wedding. The innkeeper Tippel and the zwieback manufacturer Linnbrunner, who were also elected chairmen of the “Die Förderer” association in 1902, sought to bring the paintings to life, so to speak, with pride in their town's history and economic considerations serving as key motivations. The first wedding procession, with 248 participants, took place on the occasion of an industrial and trade exhibition in 1903. In 1905, a festival was added, followed by a dance performance in 1924 and a tournament in 1925. In 1983, the “Zeughaus” (armory) on the tournament grounds was built as the central clubhouse. In 2013, the newly built bridal carriage was used for the first time, and a fencing school of Trausnitz Castle has also been showcasing its skills since that year. The imperial sword, mentioned by Hans von Hungerstein, was made for the 2017 festival. Overall, the Landshut Wedding, with its four main components fencing school, nocturnal camp activities, wedding procession, and tournament—is considered particularly authentic among the increasingly numerous so-called medieval events.
In 2017, it was added to the Bavarian State Register of Intangible Cultural Heritage. That same year, around 600,000 visitors attended the events organised by the association.
Depiction of Emperor Friedrich III (reigned 1440-1493) in the procession commemorating the Landshut Wedding. Photograph from 1922 (Association “Die Förderer” e. V.)
Emperor Friedrich III (reigned 1440-1493) depicted by Hans Schäfer in 1978 during the procession commemorating the Landshut Wedding. (Photo: Achatz, Association “Die Förderer” e. V.)
Scene from the jousting tournament in 1956 on the occasion of the celebrations to commemorate the Landshut wedding. (Association "Die Förderer" e. V.)
Scene from the jousting tournament in 1985 on the occasion of the celebrations to commemorate the Landshut wedding.. (Photo by Müller, Association “Die Förderer” e. V.)
The bridal carriage in 1927 during the procession commemorating the Landshut Wedding. Duchess Hedwig was portrayed by Else Wengenroth. (Association “Die Förderer” e. V.)
The newly built bridal carriage in 2013 during the procession to commemorate the Landshut Wedding. (Association “Die Förderer” e. V.)
State of research
A modern edition of the documentary materials and account records is urgently needed. The sources open up a multitude of new questions for both regional history and general medieval studies: regarding the issue of ducal government, from legal history to cultural and social history. More in-depth work on the history of communication, such as on vestimentary (clothing-related) symbolism, seems particularly worthwhile for an event characterised by the inflation and redundancy of symbols. Lastly, further comparative studies could help to sharpen the profiles of princely weddings in the late Middle Ages.
References
- Thomas Alexander Bauer, Die Darstellung der Landshuter Fürstenhochzeit von 1475 und des Landshuter Erbfolgekriegs (1504–1505) in zeitgenössischen Quellentexten, in: Gerhard Wolf/Norbert H. Ott (Hg.), Handbuch Chroniken des Mittelalters, Berlin/Boston 2016, 483–518.
- Werner Gamerith/Karin Wolfer/Florian Stelzer, Zwischen Relikt, Restauration und Re-Inszenierung. Landshut, das Spätmittelalter und die "Landshuter Hochzeit", in: Werner Gamerith/Dieter Anhuf/Ernst Struck (Hg.), Passau und seine Nachbarregionen. Orte, Ereignisse, Verbindungen. Ein geographischer Wegweiser, Regensburg 2013, 394–407.
- Irmengard Hahn (Hg.), in eren liebt sie. Die Landshuter Hochzeit 1903–2005. Annäherungen an das Jahr 1475 (Schriften aus den Museen der Stadt Landshut 20), Landshut 2005.
- Sebastian Hiereth, Herzog Georgs Hochzeit zu Landshut im Jahr 1475, Landshut o. J. [4. Auflage 1988].
- Landshut 1475–1975. Ein Symposion über Bayern, Polen und Europa im Spätmittelalter (Österreichische Osthefte 18), Wien 1976.
- Franz Machilek, Nürnberg und die Landshuter Fürstenhochzeit des Jahres 1475, in: Uwe Bestmann/Franz Irsigler/Jürgen Schneider (Hg.), Hochfinanz, Wirtschaftsräume, Innovationen. Festschrift für Wolfgang von Stromer. 2. Band, Trier 1987, 640–677.
- Franz Niehoff (Hg.), Ritterwelten im Spätmittelalter. Höfisch-ritterliche Kultur der Reichen Herzöge von Bayern-Landshut (Schriften aus den Museen der Stadt Landshut 29), Landshut 2009.
- Franz Niehoff (Hg.), Landshuter Hochzeit seit 1475 (Schriften aus den Museen der Stadt Landshut 32), Landshut 2013.
- Franz Niehoff (Hg.), Das Goldene Jahrhundert der Reichen Herzöge (Schriften aus den Museen der Stadt Landshut 34), Landshut 2014.
- Christof Paulus, Bayern und Europa heiraten. Hochzeitsmuster im Spätmittelalter, in: Alois Schmid/Hermann Rumschöttel (Hg.), Wittelsbacher-Studien. Festgabe für Herzog Franz von Bayern zum 80. Geburtstag (Schriftenreihe zur bayerischen Landesgeschichte 166), München 2013, 269–292.
- Karl-Heinz Spiess, Fremdheit und Integration der ausländischen Ehefrau und ihres Gefolges bei internationalen Fürstenheiraten, in: Thomas Zotz (Hg.), Fürstenhöfe und ihre Außenwelt. Aspekte gesellschaftlicher und kultureller Identität im deutschen Spätmittelalter (Identitäten und Alteritäten 16), Würzburg 2004, 267–290.
- Karl-Heinz Spiess, Europa heiratet. Kommunikation und Kulturtransfer im Kontext europäischer Königsheiraten des Spätmittelalters, in: Christian Hesse/Peter Moraw/Rainer C. Schwinges (Hg.), Europa im späten Mittelalter. Politik, Gesellschaft, Kultur (Historische Zeitschrift, Beiheft 40), München 2006, 435–464.
- Uwe Tresp, Eine "famose und grenzenlos mächtige Generation". Dynastie und Heiratspolitik der Jagiellonen im 15. und zu Beginn des 16. Jahrhunderts, in: Jahrbuch für europäische Geschichte 8 (2007), 3–28.
- Tobias Weger, "Eine Stadt spielt Mittelalter". Die "Landshuter Hochzeit", in: Marco Bogade (Hg.), Stadtkultur des späten Mittelalters und der frühen Neuzeit in Ostmitteleuropa und ihre Renaissance im 19. Jahrhundert. In memoriam Andrzej Tomaszewski (1934–2010) (Das gemeinsame Kulturerbe 8), Warschau 2012, 181–200.
- Walter Ziegler, Europäische Verbindungen der Landshuter Herzöge im 14. und 15. Jahrhundert, in: Franz Niehoff (Hg.), Vor Leinberger. Landshuter Skulptur im Zeitalter der Reichen Herzöge 1393–1503. 1. Band (Schriften aus den Museen der Stadt Landshut 10), Landshut 2001, 26–50.
- Walter Ziegler, Die Geschichtsschreibung zur Landshuter Hochzeit 1475. Bericht und Überlegungen, in: Alois Schmid/Ludwig Holzfurtner (Hg.), Studien zur bayerischen Landesgeschichtsschreibung in Mittelalter und Neuzeit. Festgabe für Andreas Kraus zum 90. Geburtstag (Zeitschrift für bayerische Landesgeschichte, Beiheft 41), München 2012, 193–243.
Sources
- Roman Deutinger/Christof Paulus (Bearb.), Das Reich zu Gast in Landshut. Die erzählenden Quellen zur Fürstenhochzeit des Jahres 1475, Ostfildern 2017.
- Roman Deutinger/Christof Paulus (Bearb.), Von Landshut nach Limburg – ein neuer Augenzeugenbericht zur Fürstenhochzeit von 1475, in: Verhandlungen des historischen Vereins für Niederbayern 141 (2015), 5–38.
- Erich Stahleder (Bearb.), Die Landshuter Hochzeit von 1475 nach dem wiederentdeckten Bericht des „Markgrafenschreibers“, in: Hans Bleibrunner (Hg.), Beiträge zur Heimatkunde von Niederbayern, Bd. 3, Landshut/Passau 1976, 144–171.
- Gerhard Tausche (Bearb.), 1475. Die Landshuter Fürstenhochzeit (Bayerische Geschichte in Dokumenten), Braunschweig o. J. [2007].
- Edita Turkowska u. a. (Bearb.), Joannis Dlugossii Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae. Liber duodecimus 1462–1480, Warschau 2005.
Documents
Further Research
- Keyword search in the online catalogue of the Bibliotheksverbund Bayern (Library Network Bavaria)
- Keyword search in bavarikon
External Links
- Reporting on the Historical Reenactment of the Landshut Wedding in Bavarian newspapers
- Association "Die Förderer“ e.V.
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Cite
Christof Paulus, Landshut Wedding, 1475, published 9 October 2017, English translation published 28 February 2025; in: Historisches Lexikon Bayerns, URL: <https://www.historisches-lexikon-bayerns.de/Lexikon/EN:Landshut_Wedding,_1475> (17.03.2025)